Home » Governance » When Dwarfs Are Divested of Giant Robes

Dwarfish thieves in giant robes have been exposed. Interestingly, some of these dwarfs even have a weak nervous system after pretending to be men and women of steel.

THE climax of the drama that has been captivating Zimbabwe and the world at large is finally here.

It is the Zanu-PF Congress — the 6th National Congress which, for what recent history is, is likely to be the most historic, dramatic and ultimately decisive.

You can also bet, fear even, that it will have consequences for many years to come. Yet political watchers, pundits and students will watch as the drama unfolds. No one should begrudge them that.

It is a season full of lessons, full of instruction, nuance, innuendo and significance.

For the benefit of those of our friends coming from Mars, here is a brief background:

Zanu-PF is the revolutionary ruling party of Zimbabwe.

It is aged a ripe 51 years, having been born in 1963 out of the Zimbabwe African People’s Union, itself out of smaller political organisations that had begun to actively demand and agitate for a democratic dispensation in colonial Rhodesia.

The democratic or let’s say the civil and political rights wave had grown from the 1950s taking over from passive resistance and industrial action.

Before the mid-century consciousness and political agitation which mirrored what was happening in other parts of the continent, the people suffered under the yoke of colonialism without much incident.

They had been pacified.

They had been put down during the initial resistance to colonial settlers — in the years 1890-96, where the maxim gun proved vastly superior to the rudimentary munitions of the locals, the spears and assegais.

Not that the gun silenced the people altogether, especially their spirit.

People harboured yearnings for freedom the spirit of resistance, which would manifest in whatever form from refusal to pay taxes or lying about official details that the settler officials wanted to “going slow” in settler mines and farms to open hostilities and confrontations.

Floating over and above all this spirit of resistance was the prophecy by one Ambuya Charwe, the medium of the Nehanda spirit, who warned, as she was hanged for her part in the initial resistance, that her bones would rise.

Ambuya Nehanda is a legend and heroine in Zimbabwe.

The 1950s and ’60s were veritably the beginning of the stirring of the same revolutionary bones.

A decision was thus made that the only way after the strikes and the civil and political rights campaigns, and lately some negotiations with, and co-option by, the settler regime, was to wage a war against the colonialists.

This decision significantly marked apart the sons and daughters of this country who were pursuing majority rule, with some insisting on the old conventional methods to deal with the intransigent regime, while others were of the view that the only language that the white man understood was the language of violence the language of war.

Justice for the majority would come from the barrel of the gun, it would be added.

The schism brought out the radical offshoot called Zanu with the likes of Ndabaningi Sithole, Robert Mugabe, Enos Nkala (whose house in the Highfield township was the venue), among others, making the new face of the struggle.

And it took a short while more, in 1966, for the liberation struggle to be announced in its most belligerent and decisive form.

The year gave us the famous Chinhoyi Battle where seven guerillas, out of sheer bravery, decided to take on the Rhodesian settler machinery by the horns.

Again, the battle is legendary.

From then on, the liberation struggle, peopled with young men and women who crossed over to neighbouring countries and beyond to get military training, acquired heat by degrees until the late 1970s when it assumed its hottest, inflicting a lot of damage on the colonialists.

There were also casualties on the side of the revolutionaries, and largely on the civilians, including those in refugee camps in Mozambique and Zambia.

Yet all the heavy cost made the enemy to capitulate and agree to go to the negotiating table and eventually the liberators secured independence.

Independence came in 1980.

However, it would be remiss to think that the liberation movement was smooth sailing: it was rocked by schisms, like the 1963 one and Zanu itself was never free of rebellion, rebellions that shook it almost to the derailment of the liberation struggle.

The rebellions involving the likes of Thomas Nhari, Dzinashe Machingura and Rugare Gumbo from 1974 to 1978 are the most notorious and well-chronicled.

Yet Zanu moved on, dealing with each trouble as it came, although sometimes sowing seeds of others in the process.

From Independence, through the troubles of the mid-1980s and party rebellions in the 1990s especially from Edgar Tekere, Zanu-PF appeared g and unshaken.

Then came a significant challenge in the form of the western-sponsored opposition MDC, which in 2008 inflicted Zanu-PF’s first post-Independence electoral loss, albeit a marginal one seat.

The party was at sixes and sevens.

And as it turned out, the defeat lay squarely on the feet of yet another chapter of intra-party conflict, with a clique of individuals seeking to remove President Mugabe and get into bed with the opposition, with the blessings of foreigners.

This is what gave us the infamous bhora musango in which some Zanu-PF MPs campaigned for themselves and de-campaigned their leader, President Mugabe.

They almost succeeded.

But Robert Mugabe survived.

Strangely, nothing happened to the conspirators and having failed in 2008’s bhora musango, and seeing that they already were in some bed with the opposition, the same venal clique sought to elongate the unwieldy marriage of convenience so as to prevent the exclusive rule of Robert Mugabe who would emerge ger from the arrangement.

The elections were held nevertheless but then, again, nothing happened to schemers.

Zanu-PF maintained an uneasy peace with itself and talk of factionalism was made in hushed tones and mainly fodder for the rumour-mongering private Press.

Gradually, the talk became more animated until not many weeks ago, Zanu-PF became the scene of open warfare between contending forces.

We initially thought it was a battle between Vice President Mujuru and Defence Minister Emmerson Mnangagwa.

But a new, darker twist took shape: conspirators actually targeted to kill the man Robert Mugabe himself!

In the provinces loyalty had been bought and structures enacted to pave way for the hostile takeover.

He would be shot, Kabila-style, if he refused to pave way for Mujuru some were heard saying, including to illicit lovers.

The nation was shocked — shocked by the sheer danger of some elements in the party and the destructive potential of factions, in particular, the faction coalescing around VP Mujuru and having the full blessings of the same hostile foreign forces.

It was then that muscles were flexed.

Heads rolled.

Men fell women fell.

The corrupt edifice of provincial cohorts fell was cleaned up.

Nominations to the party’s central committee were rejected and some party bigwigs now stand to become ordinary card carriers, at best.

At worst they will find themselves in the cold world outside Zanu-PF.

Dwarfish thieves in giant robes were exposed.

Interestingly, even poignantly, some of these dwarfs have a weak nervous system.

All along they pretended to be men and women of steel.

They have taken ill at the manifestation of power — crunch time.

God help them!

The worst for them, best for the country and revolutionary party, is coming. They will be left exposed and shorn of all borrowed power, some of which has been used corruptly and abusively.

There is a saying that marvels at Zanu-PF’s ruthlessness when the need arises, “Zanu chiwororo”.

Source : The Herald

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