Day: February 9, 2023

The Director General of the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), Qu Dongyu; the Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund (IMF), Kristalina Georgieva; the President of the World Bank Group (WBG), David Malpass; World Food Program (WFP) Executive Director David Beasley and World Trade Organization (WTO) Director-General Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala issued the following joint statement calling for continued urgent action to address the global food and nutrition security crisis.

We offer our deepest condolences to the people of Turkey and the neighboring Syrian Arab Republic who have suffered from recent earthquakes. Our organizations are closely monitoring the situation, assessing the scale of the disaster, and working to mobilize the necessary support in accordance with each organization's mandates and procedures.

Globally, poverty and food insecurity are increasing after decades of development gains. Supply chain disruptions, climate change, the COVID-19 pandemic, financial tightening through rising interest rates, and Russia's war in Ukraine have caused unprecedented impact on the global food system. , and the most vulnerable are the most affected. Food inflation remains high around the world, with dozens of countries experiencing double-digit inflation. According to the WFP, 349 million people in 79 countries suffer from acute food insecurity.

The prevalence of malnutrition is also increasing, after three years of deterioration. This situation is expected to worsen, with global food supplies expected to fall to a three-year low in 2022/2023.[1] The need is especially acute in 24 countries that FAO and WFP have identified as hotspots, 16 of which are in Africa.[2] Fertilizer affordability, defined by the ratio of food prices to fertilizer prices[3], is also the lowest since the 2007/2008 food crisis, which is causing lower food production and affecting more to small farmers, worsening already high local food prices. For example, the 2022 reduction in rice production, of which Africa is the world's largest importer, coupled with lower stock prospects, is cause for great concern. In response to inflation in food, fuel and fertilizer prices, countries have spent more than US$710 billion on social protection measures covering 1 billion people, including approximately US$380 billion in subsidies. However, only US$4.3 billion has been spent in low-income countries for social protection measures, compared to US$507.6 billion in high-income countries.[3] including approximately $380 billion in subsidies. However, only US$4.3 billion has been spent in low-income countries for social protection measures, compared to US$507.6 billion in high-income countries.[3] including approximately $380 billion in subsidies. However, only US$4.3 billion has been spent in low-income countries for social protection measures, compared to US$507.6 billion in high-income countries.[3]

To avoid a worsening of the food and nutrition security crisis, more urgent actions are required to (i) rescue pockets of hunger, (ii) facilitate trade, improve the functioning of markets and strengthen the role of the private sector, and (iii) reform and redirect harmful subsidies with careful targeting and efficiency. Countries need to balance urgent short-term interventions with longer-term resilience efforts as they respond to the crisis.

1. Rescue the pockets of hunger

We call on governments and donors to support efforts at the national level to address needs in hot spots, share information, and strengthen crisis preparedness. WFP and FAO urgently need funds to immediately reach the most vulnerable . In 2022, WFPand its partners reached a record number of people (more than 140 million) with food and nutrition assistance, based on record contributions of $14 billion, of which $7.3 billion came from the US government alone. WFP sent more than $3 billion in cash transfers to people in 72 countries and supported school feeding programs in 80 countries, including 15 million children through direct support and more than 90 million children through reinforcement of the government's national school feeding programs. fao _has invested US$1 billion to support more than 40 million people in rural areas with agricultural interventions. These activities focused mainly on the 53 countries listed in the Global Report on Food Crises. The World Bankis providing a US$30 billion food and nutrition security package covering the 15 months from April 2022 to June 2023, including US$12 billion in new projects, which have been committed ahead of schedule. This also includes $3.5 billion in new financing for food and nutrition security in hot spots. In addition, the Bank has allocated $748 million of its $1 billion Early Response Financing modality from IDA's Crisis Response Window (CRW) to primarily address needs in hot spots and is mobilizing funds additional for CRW. Financing should also be mobilized for the IMF's Poverty Reduction and Growth Trust Fund (FCLP) .to provide concessional financing to low-income countries facing balance of payments needs. The IMF's new food crisis window has so far supported Ukraine, Malawi, Guinea and Haiti, while nine countries facing acute food insecurity benefited from IMF financial support through new or increased programs, with a focus on strengthening social safety nets and policies to help address the impact of the food crisis. The Global Alliance for Food Security (GAFS) is supporting increased crisis preparedness through the development and implementation of multi-sector food security crisis preparedness plans in 26 countries, which must be supported by governments and donors. GAFS also continues to monitor the severity of the food crisis and the financing of the global response through the Global Food and Nutrition Security Panel. We also welcome the efforts of all parties to mobilize more funds for Africa's agricultural transformation, as outlined in the Dakar Declaration[4] and would like to acknowledge the great work done by David Beasley, Executive Director of WFP, during his mandate.

2. Facilitate trade, improve the functioning of markets and enhance the role of the private sector

Countries must minimize trade distortions, strengthen the provision of public goods, and allow the private sector to contribute significantly to improving food security outcomes. We reiterate our urgent call to countries to (i) avoid policies such as export restrictions, which can impede access to food for poor consumers in low-income food-importing countries; (ii) support trade facilitation measures to improve the availability of food and fertilizers, (iii) support trade financing initiatives in a transparent and indiscriminate manner; and (iv) adhere to the commitments made at the 12th WTO Ministerial Conference.[5]

While countries have lifted some export bans on wheat and rice, new export restrictions and bans, particularly on vegetables, are hindering availability on world markets. Global food security can be strengthened if governments support both food producers and consumers in smart and targeted ways, for example by strengthening the provision of public goods in ways that sustainably improve agricultural productivity. Countries can use e-voucher schemes for fertilizers and avoid large-scale public procurement and subsidized distribution schemes, whether for agricultural inputs or products, that crowd out the private sector. The Global Food Safety Platform ofWBG IFC , worth $6 billion, supports farmers to access fertilizer and other critical supplies, while helping private companies make longer-term investments, focusing on improving the resilience of agri-food systems and the efficiency in the use of fertilizers. Countries should follow the FAO International Code of Conduct for the Sustainable Use and Management of Fertilizers to sustainably manage nutrients for food security.[6]

3. Reform and redirect harmful subsidies with careful targeting and efficiency

Countries should reform and redirect general universal subsidies towards temporary and better targeted programs for global food security and sustainable food systems, considering the key aspects of (i) efficiency, (ii) cost and fiscal sustainability, (iii) flexibility, (iv) complexity management, (v) equity, and (vi) strengthened resilience and sustainability.

Most of the global social protection response to inflation comes in the form of subsidies, half of which are untargeted, inefficient, and costly for already constrained governments. Support must be increased for countries to strengthen and deploy comprehensive, viable and crisis-responsive social protection strategies. Policies and reforms supported by IMF and World Bank financing have focused on transitioning from broad-based measures to more targeted approaches. Countries need to reexamine and reform their support for agriculture, which amounted to some $639 billion a year between 2016 and 2018 and has been rising ever since. Of every dollar spent, only 35 cents ends up in the hands of the farmers. [7] Much of this support encourages inefficient use of resources, distorts global markets, or undermines environmental sustainability, public health, and agricultural productivity. Without ignoring the inherent trade-offs associated with large-scale policy reforms [10], this funding needs to be reformed and redirected in ways that strengthen the resilience and sustainability of the agrifood system, such as the adoption of good agricultural practices, research and innovation (including in fertilizer application efficiency and alternatives to synthetic fertilizers), extension and advisory services, improved infrastructure and logistics, and digital technologies that sustainably improve productivity.

Steps are already being taken to address underlying structural challenges in social protection and in the food and fertilizer markets, but more concerted action is needed in these three key areas to avoid a protracted crisis. We are committed to working together and with impact to support the most vulnerable.

This is the third joint statement by the heads of the Food and Agriculture Organization, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank Group, the World Food Program and the World Trade Organization on the global food and nutrition security crisis. .

Source: World Food Programme

A rash of killings across Africa has renewed focus on the risks facing those working to expose wrongdoing.

The killings of two journalists in Cameroon and a respected human rights defender in Eswatini, along with the suspicious death of a well-known editor in Rwanda have raised questions about whether justice will be done.

The cases also underscored the dangers of impunity ¬¬¬— with such incidents sending an unsettling message to government critics and the free press.

“There can be no doubt that when journalists are killed with impunity there is a chilling effect. It’s trite, but murder is the ultimate form of censorship,” Angela Quintal, head of the Africa program at the Committee to Protect Journalists, told VOA.

“The lack of consequences for those who kill or harm journalists obviously also emboldens others who believe they too can get away with it or allows those who threaten journalists to continue to do so,” she said.

In the case of Martinez Zogo, the Cameroonian journalist was forced into a car, having in vain sought help from a police station during the kidnapping. He was heard shouting “Help me, they want to kill me,” according to reports.

His body was found a few days later, naked and badly mutilated.

The media watchdog Reporters Without Borders said that Zogo’s “fingers were cut off, his arms and legs were broken in several places, and a steel rod was rammed into his anus.”

Two weeks later, Ola Bebe, a radio host and priest, was found dead close to his home in the capital.

The killings prompted a U.N. Human Rights spokesperson to call on authorities to “take all necessary measures to create an enabling environment for journalists to work without fear of reprisal.”

The Cameroon cases were not isolated.

On Jan. 21, an outspoken critic of Africa’s last absolute monarchy, Eswatini lawyer and columnist Thulani Maseko, was shot dead through the window of his home.

He had been a constant thorn in the side of the government of Eswatini, formerly known as Swaziland, and had been jailed for more than a year in 2014.

Amnesty International’s Southern Africa spokesperson Robert Shivambu told VOA at the time that Maseko's death had sent a chilling message to pro-democracy activists and could signify an escalation in attacks against those who are openly seeking political reforms.

On Jan. 18, John Williams Ntwali, editor of Rwanda’s Chronicles newspaper, died when a speeding car hit the motorcycle he was traveling on.

The death of a journalist who had frequently faced threats in relation to his work raised questions among media watchdogs about whether it was really an accident.

Human Rights Watch noted that prior to his death, Ntwali had told a friend that he’d survived a number of “staged incidents” in Kigali, and a fellow Rwandan journalist told VOA that the night before he died, Ntwali had seemed anxious.

All three countries have poor records on RSF’s Press Freedom Index, with Rwanda placing 136, Cameroon 118 and Eswatini 131 out of 180 countries where 1 denotes the best conditions.

Still, authorities in each case have vowed to investigate.

This week, a Rwandan court identified the driver of the vehicle that hit Ntwali as Moise Emmanuel Bagirishya. A court convicted Bagirishya of involuntary manslaughter and fined him $920.

However, the trial was not open to the public and Bagirishya was not present for the sentencing.

CPJ’s Quintal says that the lack of transparency “merely feeds into the suspicions that all is not what it seems.”

“We cannot say for sure that it was indeed an accident until there are more facts and questions answered,” she said.

Michela Wrong, a British journalist and author of a book on Rwanda, Do Not Disturb. The story of a political murder and a regime gone bad, told VOA the country had a track record of political assassination.

"People die in road accidents in Africa every day, but Rwanda isn't like any other African state,” she said. “This is a country with a track record of extrajudicial killings, mysterious disappearances and arbitrary arrests involving journalists, opposition party members and human rights activists.”

“Crucially, John Williams Ntwali told friends that he was receiving death threats, lived in constant fear, and had been repeatedly ordered to report to police headquarters. In that context, his death is highly suspicious,” Wrong said.

In the case of Maseko, many rights groups have intimated the government could have been connected to the killing. His death came just hours after the king, Mswati III, spoke against activists challenging his rule.

Government officials have angrily denied such claims.

Despite promising a swift investigation, no arrests have yet been made.

Eswatini government spokesperson Alpheous Nxumalo told VOA that authorities were investigating numerous crimes, and that “no one case is above the other.”

He added that Maseko’s murder “is indeed taken seriously but not in isolation from other cases.”

In Cameroon however, multiple arrests have been made in the killing of Zogo, including Justin Danwe, deputy head of Cameroon’s General Directorate for External Investigations.

Danwe, who confessed to participating in the kidnapping and murder, implicated other senior officials.

VOA sent an email to the Justice Ministry requesting comment but as of publication had not heard back.

More arrests came Monday, as police detained businessman Jean-Pierre Amougou Belinga and two of his associates.

In his reporting for Amplitude FM, Zogo had alleged that Belinga was involved in a public embezzlement scheme.

CPJ’s Quintal acknowledged the high-profile arrests as a “welcoming sign,” but she said “as yet, no one has been charged and very little has been made public.”

“There are ‘leaks’ from certain quarters, but there is a lot of smoke and mirrors and misinformation and even disinformation,” she said.

“Given the reality of Cameroon today where there is a power struggle between elites with an ailing President [Paul] Biya who has been in power for 40 years, we are watching to see how things play out and whether there will indeed be justice for Martinez Zogo,” she said.

Source: Voice of America

The presidents of Kenya and Eritrea have wrapped up two days of talks by agreeing to remove visa requirements for their citizens as part of improving relations.

Kenya's William Ruto and his Eritrean counterpart, Isaias Afwerki, also agreed to promote regional peace and stability even as Eritrea faces questions over alleged rights abuses in Ethiopia.

Afwerki said Eritrea would rejoin the Intergovernmental Authority on Development, or IGAD, an East African trade bloc.

"This is an obligation in the name of the people of the Horn region," he said. "We have to assume responsibility and revitalize IGAD so that we can have a functional, real organization for the region is critical. Without that mechanism, ideas and goodwill will not be productive. We will have to create an institution that is functional and result-oriented so that we can say we have changed the face of the region."

Eritrea suspended its IGAD membership in 2007 following a disagreement with Ethiopia over the presence of Ethiopian troops in Somalia. In 2018, Eritrea and Ethiopia reestablished diplomatic relations and agreed to end years of hostility.

Ruto said he expects Eritrea to support the region's ongoing security operations and peace efforts.

"I look forward to working with you to ensure that we stabilize Somalia, we eliminate terrorism and we build a much more secure region," Ruto said. "I also look forward to working with you in resolving the issues in Sudan and South Sudan, and working with our brothers in Ethiopia to build a better region for all our people and ensuring we make this region attractive for investment, trade and business."

Eritrea, Ethiopia's neighbor, has been accused of widespread human rights violations in two conflicts that erupted in November 2020 between Ethiopian federal government forces and the Tigray rebel group.

Last November, the government in Addis Ababa and representatives from the Tigray region in northern Ethiopia signed a peace agreement.

Tigray officials and residents say Eritrean troops have yet to leave the region, months after signing a peace agreement that requires Asmara to withdraw its forces.

Afwerki dismissed the allegations against his troops.

"Why are you bothered about the Eritrean troops who are there or not there? Come out and not come out," he said. "Let's assume the peace process in Ethiopia is going on without any obstacles. We would like to see the agreement signed in Pretoria and Nairobi implemented on the ground so that we can secure peace and stability in Ethiopia for the benefit not only of Ethiopians but the whole region."

Eritrea has denied its troops fought in Ethiopia's conflict in Tigray region, but rights groups allege the troops committed atrocities, including punishing families of accused draft dodgers.

Meanwhile, Human Rights Watch on Thursday called for sanctions against Eritrea for the government's alleged role in rounding up people and their family members who refused to participate in mandatory military service.

Laetitia Bader, who heads the Horn of Africa operation at Human Rights Watch, said since September of last year, the Eritrean conscription campaign has been targeting draft evaders.

"They have resorted to new methods of repression against families of alleged draft evaders. So, we found that they were detaining relatives, including older people, but they were also evicting people from their homes," she said. "So, this was not only the security forces but alongside local officials that keep a list of households through a coupon system which enables people to have access to subsidized goods, and they were going door-to-door trying to identify individuals who were missing."

The U.S.-based rights organization is urging the international community to pressure Asmara to reform what Human Rights Watch calls Eritrea's abusive national service system. The rights group says the system continues to drive Eritreans into exile.

Source: Voice of America